Schlaglicht Nummer 19/24, Aktuelles aus israelischen Zeitungen, 1. – 15. November 2024

⇒Downloaden der letzten „Schlaglicht Israel“ Publikation!

Die Themen dieser Ausgabe:

1. Trump siegt bei der US-Präsidentschaftswahl
2. Krieg im Gazastreifen/Netanyahu entlässt Gallant
3. Ausschreitungen in Amsterdam
4. Weitere Themen

1. Trump siegt bei der US-Präsidentschaftswahl

Für Israels Regierungschef Benjamin Netanyahu war es eine gute Nachricht, als sich abzeichnete, dass der Kandidat der Republikaner, Donald Trump, die US-Präsidentschaftswahl für sich entscheiden würde. Trump und Netanyahu sind auf einer Wellenlänge: Beide sind Rechtspopulisten, gegen beide laufen Gerichtsverfahren, und sie verfolgen die Strategie des Teilens und Herrschens. Unter Trump wie unter Netanyahu vertiefte sich die Spaltung in den beiden Gesellschaften. Schon in seiner ersten Amtszeit stellte Trump seine politische Nähe zu Netanyahu unter Beweis, indem er Jerusalem als Hauptstadt anerkannte und den Sitz der US-Botschaft von Tel Aviv dorthin verlegen ließ. Einig sind sich die beiden auch in ihrem harten Kurs im Hinblick auf das iranische Atomforschungsprogramm. Bereits kurz nach seinem Wahlsieg nominierte Trump den früheren Gouverneur von Arkansas, Mike Huckabee, als US-Botschafter in Israel. Der ehemalige Pastor gilt als Unterstützer der israelischen Regierung. So sprach er sich offen für Siedlungsbau im Westjordanland aus. Trumps Gegenkandidatin, die Demokratin Kamala Harris, hatte in den vergangenen Wochen wiederholt die humanitäre Misere im Gazastreifen angeprangert und Israel dazu aufgefordert, die Zivilbevölkerung stärker zu schützen.

Israel and America need each other, now more than ever

(…) For Israel, the stakes of this election go beyond typical political shifts; we need a steadfast ally in the White House, a leader who not only promises unwavering support but who truly grasps Israel’s role as the only democracy in the Middle East. In recent days (…) Harris has emphasized support for the Muslim community, calling for an end to what she described as a humanitarian crisis, while Trump assured Americans that he would bring a swift conclusion to the Israel-Hamas War. (…) we call on the next US president to prioritize their release as part of America’s commitment to Israel’s security. With its influence, the United States can and should do everything in its power to bring the hostages home. (…) today, antisemitism in the US is at its highest levels in decades. This rise in hate threatens not only the Jewish community but also the values upon which America was founded. We call on the next president to make combating antisemitism a national priority, ensuring that American Jews feel secure in their own country. Leaders must take a firm stand against hatred and discrimination, address this crisis seriously, and demonstrate that Jewish rights and safety are a priority. Israel’s struggle isn’t just ours; it is a front line for democratic values. America has long been our strongest ally, and we need a strong US now more than ever. (…)

Editorial, JPO, 05.11.24

What's good for the Jews

(…) The rise of political authoritarianism on the right and ideological authoritarianism on the left, growing distrust in institutions on all sides along with global pessimism about our economic future, climate change, and an immigration crisis, have created deep divisions and polarization that threaten the stability of our liberal democracies. The rise of Donald Trump as a force in American politics is both a symptom of these concerns as well as an accelerant of the threats against American democratic norms. So too is the normalization of antisemitism in America (…). Israelis owe American Jews the decency of listening to our fears and taking them seriously. (…) We are all threatened by attacks against our democracies and our democratic values, whether from external forces or by internal unrest. (…) Only a Jewish and democratic Israel, and a liberal democratic America—different from one another, but both Jewish responses to the terrible political alternatives in our history—will enable the Jewish people to thrive.

Yehuda Kurtzer, IHY, 05.11.24

Netanyahu-Trump Alliance Jeopardizes Israel's Future and Hopes for a Joint One With the Palestinians

(…) Netanyahu and Trump have in common isolationist ultranationalism, xenophobia, adoration of the rich and contempt for rules, laws and institutions. In their eyes, checks and balances are meant for other people, while they must be able to rule unimpeded. Clerks and cabinet members must behave like servants or be replaced. (…) And both run an endless campaign of attacking the media, while using it for self-promotion. The Israeli right (…) identifies with American conservatives as ideological allies, but its support for Trump has a singular motive: the expectation that the president will allow Israel to annex the territories and to crush the Palestinian national movement. (…) The generous aid and international backing Israel receives from Biden, who gave it a nearly free hand in Gaza and Lebanon and stood with it against Iran, doesn't satisfy the Israeli right's hunger for more land and preparations for the population transfer of at least some Palestinians. (…) Trump's election, which terrifies all the world's proponents of liberal democracy, should cause particular anxiety in Israel. (…)

Editorial, HAA, 07.11.24

Between two presidents: The next 75 days

This is a critical window of time. Donald Trump's victory gives sitting President Joe Biden an opportunity to act with more freedom than ever. He has over 70 days left in office to do what he considers important, but has so far refrained from doing. (…) Biden is deeply familiar with the Middle East and the details of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He can use the upcoming days to visit the region, engage with leaders, assist in achieving calm and the release of hostages, and even offer a significant political horizon. (…) This elderly statesman, who has declared himself a Zionist despite knowing how that resonates in the Arab world, and who is greatly troubled by the suffering experienced by civilians on both sides of the conflict, could indeed make a bold move. (…)

Yossi Beilin, IHY, 07.11.24

Trump win proves Americans don't care about Israel's war

(…) Israel's wars in Gaza and Lebanon did not affect the results of the U.S. presidential elections or for either legislative bodies. (…) The indifference was reflected in the voting patterns of Jews and Muslims: Both communities voted in almost identical percentages for Harris (about two-thirds) and Trump (about one-third), except for a few negligible neighborhoods and towns with predominately ultra-Orthodox Jewish or Muslim populations. (…) These facts are difficult for far-left Americans to digest, after taking on the protest against Israel as their life-long mission. The far-left narrative claimed that Harris would have won if she had condemned Israel's war crimes and promised to ban the sale of American weapons to Israel. However, there is no proof of that and the opposite is actually true. (…) Trump's path as president in a second term (…) is unpredictable (…). Given his age and health, a lot depends on who will be appointed to key positions in his government. (…)

Sever Plocker, YED, 12.11.24

Trump’s Election Saved Jews, But He’s No Zionist

(…) the Jewish community’s immediate well-being was spared by his victory. Israel’s fate is not so certain. (…) will Trump stand up to antisemitism? (…) Jews may benefit from policies not meant to help them, such as forcing universities and the Department of Education (…) to reveal the donors and purposes of foreign contributions and addressing the academic rot in universities that have abandoned their educational missions and become captive of the woke, the anti-intellectual, and the un-American. (…) So far, we only know that Trump wants the wars in the Middle East wrapped up before his inauguration. (…) Unlike Biden, Trump does not define himself as a Zionist. Trump lacks the kind of emotional attachment to Israel felt by presidents like Truman, Johnson, Reagan, and Biden. He does not see Israel as a strategic ally, a fellow democracy in a volatile region, or a moral cause deserving of American support. Trump’s support for Israel is transactional. His actions—moving the embassy, recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and the Golan Heights as part of Israel—were more about domestic politics and securing Evangelical support than a deep ideological commitment to Israel. (…) Perhaps the best thing for Israel’s long-term security is Trump’s fury over Iran’s plots to assassinate him. He has threatened to blow Iran to “smithereens.” (…) Rather than fomenting war, Trump is talking more about peace, again suggesting that his negotiating skills will turn the Middle East into Eden. (…) Regarding the future of Gaza, Trump has said nothing, but unlike Biden, he is likely to acquiesce in the Israeli occupation of a buffer zone. (…) For Israel, the hope is that the policies—if not the ideology—will continue to serve its security interests.

Mitchell Bard, TOI, 14.11.24

2. Krieg im Gazastreifen / Netanyahu entlässt Gallant

Die Lage der Palästinenser_innen im Gazastreifen wird von Hilfsorganisationen als katastrophal bezeichnet. Die Regierung in Washington hatte Israel ein Ultimatum von 30 Tagen gestellt, um die Situation in dem abgeriegelten Küstenstreifen deutlich zu verbessern. Die USA wollen die militärische Unterstützung Israels nun aber doch nicht, wie zunächst angekündigt, einschränken. Nach Ansicht der US-Regierung seien wichtige Schritte unternommen worden. So wurde ein Grenzübergang für die Lieferung von Nahrungs- und humanitären Hilfsmitteln wieder geöffnet. Hilfsorganisation warnen unterdessen vor einer Hungersnot vor allem im nördlichen Gazastreifen, wo sich zunehmend Krankheiten ausbreiteten. Weil der frühere israelische Verteidigungsminister Yoav Gallant das unnachgiebige Vorgehen Netanjahus im Gazastreifen nicht länger mittragen wollte und den Regierungschef zu „schmerzhaften Kompromissen“ aufforderte, um die Geiseln aus den Händen der Islamisten zu befreien, entließ Netanyahu Gallant aus seinem Amt und nominierte den bisherigen Außenminister Israel Katz als dessen Nachfolger. Neuer Chef im Außenministerium wurde Gideon Sa´ar.

How To End the War in Gaza and Bring Home the Hostages

(…) Assuming that Hamas is willing for a new Palestinian government to be established, most of the Arab states involved, along with the United States would like to see a reunification of Palestinian government, with one authority governing both the West Bank and Gaza. All parties concerned do not see the viability of the current Palestinian Authority, including its latest Prime Minister Mohammed Mustafa as having the legitimacy in the eyes of the Palestinian street, in the West Bank and Gaza in order to actually govern Gaza post-Hamas. Most of the parties involved would like to see President Mahmoud Abbas appointing a new Prime Minister with much greater independence than Mr. Mustafa has and that the new Prime Minister be granted by Abbas the real powers to govern. (…) Hamas has agreed that in a deal to end the war and for Israel to withdraw all of its forces from Gaza, it is willing to release all of the hostages held in Gaza. (…) Israel has legitimate security concerns regarding leaving Gaza. (…) Turning Gaza into a non-militarized zone is a process that will take time. (…) The economic blockade on Gaza must come to an end and Gazans must be reintegrated into the world with the right for movement and access, just like any other people in the world. (…) The end of the war in Gaza needs to be the beginning of a genuine new regional based peace process to enable the Palestinian people to establish their own independent state next to Israel in the territories occupied by Israel in 1967. (…)

Gershon Baskin, TOI, 03.11.24

The importance of demonstrations at this time

(…) There is no shortage of excuses to stay at home. Take the purists who want a tailor-made protest. They are in favor of a hostage deal but oppose early elections, or they favor immediate polls but refuse to be seen at a demonstration in which others display signs against the occupation. If the protest does not answer their precise demands, if it deviates an iota from their agenda, count them out. (…) democracy is not only elections every four years (…). Democracy is also the rule of law and equality before it, minority rights, individual freedoms and more. In a democracy, the police arrest armed invaders into an army base, but they have neglected to do so here. In a democracy, citizens are not brought before a judge for legal expressions of their opinions, as is increasingly happening.  (…) Any Israeli who understands that our regime poses a severe danger to our future is duty-bound to do everything possible to bring about change, before it is too late. Abstaining enables the government to continue on its destructive path, turning whoever remains silent into a collaborator in the ruin that is being brought upon us by the government and the man helming it.

Tova Herzl, YED, 04.11.224

War is not a game. It must be won

(…) War is not a game. (…) The only excuse for war at all is as a response to someone who has launched it against you, and the only moral way to wage it is to make sure they can never, ever, repeat the offense. (…) We refuse to win, because we don’t believe we deserve to. (…) We must not shrink from doing what is necessary to end the Arab war against our existence that has persisted since 1948 (…). We must stop begging for acceptance and approval from the nations of the world, and do what is necessary. Recent history has shown that when we ask permission, the answer is always no. But when we go ahead and go into Gaza, go into Rafah, go into Lebanon, kill Haniya in the heart of Tehran itself, ignore the sovereignty of enemy nations and kidnap terrorist commanders from Syria and Lebanon, when we do things like this, the world doesn’t bother with false outrage. They suck it up and accept it as a done deal. (…) Finally, we have to make it very clear to our neighbors that any hostile action taken across our border will result in that border being moved 100 meters outward. Fire a rocket at us, lose 100 meters of land. Fire ten? Lose a kilometer. Losing land is the only thing the enemy recognizes as defeat, and (…) this is why it must be what we recognize as victory.

Lisa Liel, TOI, 04.11.24

The Hostage Dilemma

(…) There are still large sections of Gaza that the IDF has not entered. These remain potential holding sites for hostages. The IDF’s cautious approach reflects an understanding that a misstep could be catastrophic. As a result, the military leadership has implied that the hostage issue requires a political solution, effectively placing the responsibility back on Israel’s government. While the government awaits an IDF rescue, the military waits for a political “deal,” while the public rallies, with thousands calling for an end to the war—the conflict cannot end while hostages remain in captivity. This political-military deadlock is the second standoff in this equation, paralyzing Israel’s strategy. (…) Realistically, the hostage crisis can never be fully resolved. Even if advocates of a sweeping deal succeed, the return of all 101 hostages is impossible. Gaza’s strategy serves its interests well: as long as they hold hostages, they avert total military defeat. (…) To break the deadlock, Israel might consider an ultimatum, demanding that Gaza provide proof of life for each hostage within a fixed timeframe. If Hamas fails to comply, Israel could declare the hostages presumed dead, ceasing all further negotiations with Hamas and allowing the IDF to proceed with its military objectives without further hesitation.

Eitan Arvats, TOI, 05.11.24

Netanyahu’s firing of Gallant mid-war is reckless, divisive and dangerous to Israel

(…) Netanyahu fired Gallant a second time (…). Gallant was (…) the most important advocate of maximal efforts to secure a hostage-ceasefire deal in Gaza, arguing, with the support of the nation’s security chiefs, that Israel should be pursuing a wide arrangement that would both end the fighting in the north (…) and in Gaza, where Hamas no longer functions as an organized fighting force. Gallant has urged prioritizing the return of the 97 hostages still held by Hamas (…) arguing that Israel could and likely would return to further tackle Hamas in the future. Netanyahu’s far-right coalition partners, however, bitterly oppose any such arrangement (…). Gallant has also publicly called for the establishment of a powerhouse state commission of inquiry into the events surrounding Hamas’s October 7, 2023 massacre (…). Netanyahu’s firing of Gallant is far more dangerous for Israel now than it was last time around. The prime minister has booted the experienced ex-general at the political helm of the military, an independent thinker dedicated to the security of Israel who sought to strengthen the army despite the potential political cost. Highly regarded by the troops, his casual ouster, and replacement by the lightweight Katz, can only undermine military competence (…). Netanyahu’s unconscionable and reckless decision to dismiss a courageous, principled and patriotic defense minister at the height of a bitter war (…) will delight and potentially benefit Israel’s enemies.

David Horowitz, TOI, 05.11.24

Extortion by dismissal: Netanyahu sacrifices Gallant on altar of coalition politics

Wrapped in awkward and flimsy excuses about mistrust (…) Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu sent the dismissal letter to Defense Minister Yoav Gallant (…). tonight, these claims sound emptier and more embarrassing than ever, crashing against reality. (…) If there’s a time for the defense establishment to boast about tremendous achievements, it’s now. The war Netanyahu speaks of is no longer. Another battle is taking place before our eyes: the Coalition Peace War. This is the only war Netanyahu is interested in these days, and it’s the war on whose altar he sacrifices a professional defense minister and the entire state. Whatever it costs, so long as he survives. (…) He now hopes that ministers and Likud Knesset members will be intimidated and align with him. Because someone who fires a defense minister in wartime has no limits, this isn’t extortion by threats; it’s extortion by dismissal. (…) Gallant pays tonight for his public courage, for his insistence on not surrendering to ultra-Orthodox extortion, and for his unwillingness to cooperate with Netanyahu's strategic paralysis. (…)

Attila Somfalvi, JPO, 05.11.24

Israel Is Unleashing an Apocalypse in Northern Gaza

The Israeli public must look at what its army is doing in its name in the northern Gaza Strip straight in the face. (…) for more than a month now, the area around the towns of Jabalya, Beit Hanoun and Beit Lahia have been under a tight siege. (…) the IDF isn't letting anyone enter the area, not even international aid organizations. (…) Many residents fear they won't be able to return, while others have been unable to leave the area. (…) The army is forbidding humanitarian aid trucks to enter (…). On top of the mass expulsion, there is starvation, damage to hospitals, and humanitarian disaster causing disproportionate harm to civilians. (…) the war is being run in disregard of international law. It's as if there were no civilians in Gaza, no children and no consequences for our actions. The desire to take revenge for Hamas' attack on October 7, 2023 has turned into brutal, unbridled warfare that (…) will be remembered as a moral stain on the country. (…) Israel must (…) end the humanitarian disaster. The time has come to make a sincere attempt to sign a hostage deal and end the war.

Editorial, HAA, 06.11.24

My Palestinian Sisters and Brothers, We Need a New Version of the Palestinian Resistance

(…) the dominant Palestinian discourse silences any internal political criticism of Hamas. (…) The few who have dared to criticize the movement, its actions and the consequences of October 7 on Gaza are always answered with the slogan that Hamas has emptied of all meaning: "We have the right to resist!" (…) It's as if "We have the right to resist" isn't just a temporary measure but a divine commandment. (…) criticism of Hamas does not absolve Israel of its responsibility for the annihilation of Gaza. But (…) Hamas has made Palestinians' bodies a tool to carry out its political views and the only tool in the struggle for national liberation. It has left the Palestinians alone on the front lines of the resistance, exposed to systematic annihilation. (…) It has abandoned the Palestinians because Hamas never planned to protect them; from the very beginning it planned to use them. (…) the time has come to admit that Hamas has no political horizon beyond deepening the Palestinian losses and leveraging them to continue its existence and rule in Gaza. (…) As Palestinians, we must refuse to cooperate with the notion that Hamas must be saved and its leadership rehabilitated as it continues to rule Gaza. Above all, we must ask how in the world October 7 as a resistance narrative has become legitimized, even if only partially, among Palestinians and in the wider Arab world. And what does that say about us and our narrative? (…) we are obligated to create a different version of the Palestinian resistance that matches the spirit of national liberation we dream of. We are obligated to instill new meaning into the ethos of national resistance after the expropriation by Hamas. (…) We will survive and achieve a national liberation only if we set out on the painful journey to create an alternative Palestinian narrative that has no room for Israeli blood or any other blood.

Rajaa Natour, HAA, 10.11.24

New Gaza roadmap: How the IDF plans security operations without military rule

Two major issues are delaying the end of the war in Gaza. First is the lack of progress on the hostage situation (…). Second, there’s been no sign of progress on establishing a new governing authority to replace Hamas’ civilian rule in Gaza. (…) Roughly 70% of Gaza’s population is concentrated in its center and western areas, which cover only about 25% of the territory, and they are living in tents and makeshift shelters with winter approaching, worsening their hardship. (…) the IDF is focused on its primary objective: providing security and a sense of safety to residents in southern Israel while maintaining military pressure to secure the return of hostages. (…) Looking to the future, the IDF plans to maintain an intelligence-operational presence in Gaza—without full occupation, military governance or direct responsibility for humanitarian distribution. (…) the IDF intends to establish “secure corridors,” including control over the Philadelphi Corridor, alongside a security buffer zone approximately a kilometer wide on Gaza’s side of the border. (…) This ground system is already in advanced stages of establishment and is expected, according to IDF planning, to remain in place for several years until a hostage release agreement is reached. (…).

Ron Ben-Yishai, YED, 14.11.24

Gallant's dismissal was carried out for the sake of Haredi parties

(…) during the war, an axis formed between Gallant, IDF Chief of Staff LTG Herzi Halevi and Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar. Their harmonious collaboration, often out of step with Netanyahu on critical wartime issues, made him feel threatened. Their close work earned the nickname "the iron fist," fueling suspicion in an already distrustful Netanyahu. (…) Gallant’s announcement this week, saying he’d authorized the IDF to issue 7,000 more draft orders for Haredi recruits, added fuel to the fire, leading Netanyahu to lose patience. He knew the Haredi politicians were watching, expecting a step to ensure their confidence in him, so he decided to show how far he’d go for them. Gallant was convenient for Netanyahu, a necessary sacrifice. (…) Regardless, and even if Gallant’s dismissal leads to significant repercussions soon, it’s unclear if any of them will resolve even one of the ultra-Orthodox parties’ troubles.

Moran Azulay, YED, 06.11.24

3. Ausschreitungen in Amsterdam

Die Angriffe pro-palästinensischer junger Männern in Amsterdam auf Fans des israelischen Fußballclubs Maccabi Tel Aviv sind ein erneutes Indiz für den wachsenden Antisemitismus in Europa. Von einer Hetzjagd auf Juden und sogar einem Pogrom war die Rede. Die Öffentlichkeit in Israel reagierte schockiert, und die Regierung holte die rund 3.000 Israelis in Sonderflügen nach Hause. Das Spiel von Maccabi Tel Aviv und Ajax Amsterdam war aufgrund des Krieges im Nahen Osten als Risikospiel eingestuft worden. 800 Sicherheitskräfte waren im Einsatz, und das Spiel selbst verlief ohne Zwischenfälle. Als die israelischen Fans jedoch ins Amsterdamer Stadtzentrum zurückkehrten, wurden sie dort von pro-palästinensischen Schlägern erwartet und brutal attackiert. Polizeilichen Berichten zufolge hatten israelischen Fans vor dem Spiel palästinensische Fahnen von Fenstern gerissen und anti-arabische Parolen skandiert.

Tolerant of intolerance: Antisemitism grows in the Netherlands

(…) There were times when The Netherlands was celebrated as a tolerant nation, even for Jews. But Dutch society has been tolerant to intolerance, and hatred against Jews, LGBTQ, and other vulnerable groups is growing. (…) Two generations of Dutch politicians, public prosecutors, and police officers have been raised in a climate of tolerance for intolerance. When Amsterdam’s officials are confronted with reports about growing violence and hate-crimes, they pretend to be on holiday. When students ravage the center of Amsterdam in support of Hamas, the local government tolerates it because they don’t want to restrict people’s freedom, fearing a chilling effect. (…) Tolerance to the intolerant and selective justice have become common place. (…) As the first pogroms in Western Europe are getting started, Dutch officials cannot undo their own brainwashing from the last 50 years. Today, the political block that opposes antisemitism and multiculturalism is bigger than ever in the Netherlands, but that will not be enough. The problems have become endemic and nothing short of a massive population shift will fix this issue. (…) ironically, those who hate Israel so much have shown the world why Israel must exist.

Kevin Degeling, TOI, 08.11.24

Netherlands has opportunity to show Europe how to deal with violent antisemitism

(…) Make no mistake. This was not soccer hooliganism. This was not rival fans taking support of their team too far and resorting to violence. (…) This was a deliberate and planned antisemitic pogrom against Jews by thugs waiting outside the stadium. (…) Since October 7, the open violence against Jews and the rise in antisemitism have been more than alarming. (…) Now, it is time for the Dutch to collectively show that they will not accept “Jew hunting” or allow the growing rise of Islamism in the country to affect the Jewish community. They must keep the Jewish community safe. (…) Jewish communities need clear, actionable policies that safeguard their safety and dignity. By implementing stricter hate crime legislation and investing in community security, Europe can begin to reverse the tide of violence and secure a future where Jews feel safe in the countries they call home. (…) History will not look kindly on those who allowed this darkness to resurface unchallenged. (…)

Editorial, JPO, 10.11.24

This is what a pogrom looks like, this is the new antisemitism

(…) all indications suggest that the hunt for Israelis in Amsterdam was meticulously planned. Initial investigations revealed that the attackers created a special WhatsApp group to organize the "burning revenge" for the war in Gaza. Israelis who were beaten reported that the blows were accompanied by shouts of "Free Palestine" and "You’re getting this because of Gaza." The attackers didn’t hesitate to post photos on social media, proudly announcing how they "dealt with the Israelis as they deserved." (…) The soccer match itself was peaceful; Arab fans were denied entry and the planned chaos erupted right after, as Israeli fans left on trams, buses and taxis (driven by Arabs) toward their hotels. The attackers insisted on conveying the message that "among the Israelis are soldiers from Gaza who received 'compensation,' and need to be hunted down and dealt with." One Israeli was asked to state his nationality. He said he was from Greece, but the attackers, impatient, beat him up anyway. Groups of Arabs stopped pedestrians, checked passports and, upon discovering Israelis, stole their documents and beat them. (…) This is what a pogrom looks like. This is the new antisemitism. (…)

Smadar Perry, YED, 10.11.24

From Nazis to Jihadists: Antisemitism, the cancer of the West

(…) Amsterdam was supposed to be like Berlin, London and Paris — a haven for opponents of nation-states and advocates of open borders and multiculturalism. A model of a free, open city, but we didn’t need the Maccabi Tel Aviv riots to know these were illusions. Exactly two decades ago, in November 2004, filmmaker Theo van Gogh was murdered in Amsterdam by Mohammed Bouyeri, a young man of Moroccan descent. (…) The signs were there all along. (…) The attack comes from two directions: the progressives label you a racist and the jihadists might do to you what they did to Van Gogh. (…) The problem lies with those immigrants who come without intending to integrate. They fled oppressive countries only to turn the countries they’ve moved to even darker. The protesters and rioters belong to this second group. (…) The incitement is systematic and constant. Europe has been unable to stop it. (…) These aren’t protests for Palestinian rights; they’re campaigns of hatred, racism and antisemitism. (…) There’s no reason for optimism. Even the backlash against immigration, which is strengthening right-wing and far-right parties, won’t change anything. It’s too late. And nothing will satisfy the rampaging jihadists. They’re obeying their imams, aiming to impose Sharia law. (…) The Nazi cancer already destroyed Europe once. The jihadist mutation could do it again.

Ben-Dror Yemini, YED, 10.11.24

Amsterdam

How can a pogrom happen in a modern, cultured, sophisticated city of enlightened Europe? In a  country where the International Court of Justice is. And so many people are trying to justify it, blaming Israelis for instigating it (…). Amsterdam has shown that even after the holocaust, a time when Dutch police reportedly collaborated with the Nazis, and many Dutch citizens revealed to the Nazis where Jews were hiding; even after all those terrible calamities happened, and Europe subsequently reinforced and spread their ideals of enlightenment and acceptance and understanding and tolerance;  even after all that, Amsterdam has now shown that it’s all a facade. By not clamping down against anti-Israel and pro-Hamas demonstrators this past year, Europe enabled last week’s Jew-hunt to happen. Amsterdam and Europe and the U.S. and the world are realizing that their ideologies don’t work. That their countries are seething with antisemites who are ready to repeat the holocaust in an instant. (…)

Yoseph, Janowski, TOI, 11.11.24

“Jew-hunting” in Amsterdam: What Israeli Hooligans and pro-Palestinian Thugs Have in Common

(…) Around 2,600 Maccabi fans traveled to Amsterdam. On the night before the match, dozens of these supporters gathered outside Villa Mokum, a squat in the city center where Palestinian flags were hanging. They threw stones at the building, tore down several Palestinian flags, kicked at doors, and apparently raised their middle fingers. That same night, pro-Palestinian youths also sought a confrontation, though it's hard to say who provoked whom. (…) After the match the following evening, around 100 Maccabi fans gathered in the city. They set off fireworks and chanted, "Olé, olé, let the IDF win, fuck the Arabs." They again tore Palestinian flags off buildings and roamed the city with belts and planks. Meanwhile, pro-Palestinian supporters gathered as well. (…) Five Maccabi fans required hospital care; all of them have been discharged, while dozens more suffered injuries. Rumors that Maccabi supporters were kidnapped proved unfounded. (…) It's hard to say whether the recent Jew hunting would have occurred without provocations. What's certain is that Jew hunting, in the historical context of Europe, is a severe transgression. (…) The aftermath of the events in Amsterdam highlights the lack of an objective basis that allows for differing opinions on the interpretation of facts. Subjectivization has been sanctified (…). You don't need to prove you're offended; feeling offended is enough for an accusation and sometimes even a conviction. You don't need to prove you're unsafe; feeling unsafe is enough. (…)

But if you take a step back and don't give primacy to emotion, you see that these boys on scooters and the fervent Maccabi fans resemble each other greatly. Passion takes different forms; in Tel Aviv, it produces rioting Maccabi supporters and fanatical Israeli soldiers. In Amsterdam-West, it dreams of a scooter. The young men didn't clash because they differed so much but because they recognized something in each other – themselves. (…)

Arnon Grunberg, HAA, 14.11.24

4. Weitere Themen 

Einberufung ultraorthodoxer Männer

Subcontracting Yeshivas – The Smart Way to the Charedi Draft

(…) For its part, the IDF must decide whether it wants to focus only on boosting Israel’s security, or whether it seeks to perform social engineering as well. If the latter, everyone will lose. (…) There is a more imaginative solution – don’t draft individual charedi boys, subcontract their yeshivas. (…) What seems to hold back charedim are multiple interlinked factors whose importance are difficult to understand from outside the context of the Torah world (…) the fear of secularisation and exposure to non-Torah influences; (…) the risks that charedi leadership structures and social models would be weakened; the legitimacy of service to a secular institution belonging to a secular government (…).

The solutions proposed in the political domain so far have been pretty crude. There’s been a lack of imagination on the part of those involved – the charedi leadership, the non-charedi members of the coalition, and the opposition. (…) My suggestion (…) Integrate Torah study with military service so both are possible in many, if not all circumstances, within the framework of an ordinary daily routine. (…) Operate within the parameters of the existing charedi leadership structures and social models. Give the yeshivas flexibility to choose the people that provide any given set of services (…).

Adam Gross, TOI, 06.11.24

Be careful what you wish for: The haredi draft is a societal challenge the IDF can solve

(…) it is inevitable that the IDF will make the necessary adjustments to accommodate the needs of haredim (…), which will allow haredi men to begin to join the IDF in growing numbers. When that occurs, Israel’s secular Left, which has complained about the paucity of haredi Jews drafting into the IDF, will not be pleased with the outcome of their successful campaign: a more religious army. Ironically, it is the progressives in Israel who may inadvertently weaken their own influence in the IDF by pressing for ultra-Orthodox enlistment. (…) if Israeli society – and the IDF – want to see ultra-Orthodox enlistment in significant numbers, then significant adjustments must be made within the army culture. (…) Recognize the religious and cultural sensitivities of the ultra-Orthodox and create an atmosphere that would encourage them rather than turn them away. The sooner we create an environment that genuinely respects the values of the ultra-Orthodox, the sooner (…) we will witness an influx of soldiers from this sector. (…)

Avi Abelow, JPO, 07.11.24

Krieg im Libanon

Nasrallah's heir's first speech is discordant

In his first speech as Hezbollah's new Secretary-General, Sheikh Naim Qassem (…) came across as confused. On one hand, he threatened to strike the prime minister’s residence, expressing hope that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would be present to injure him. On the other, he said, "We don’t want war; we only aim to respond to the Zionists’ actions." (…) Meanwhile, Lebanese residents appeared to ignore the new secretary-general’s debut entirely. Signs continue to grow that an agreement is taking shape between Israel and Lebanon, brokered by U.S. Middle East envoy Amos Hochstein. (…) Veteran politician Gebran Bassil, son-in-law of former president Michel Aoun, made a surprising announcement (…) saying, “Lebanon supports the Abraham Accords and will join agreements with Israel when conditions allow.” Other senior Lebanese officials are starting to align with Israel as well. There’s also mounting pressure on the Iranian regime not to deploy forces to Lebanon (…). Statements like these were unheard of until recent days. (…) The goal, facilitated by Hochstein, is to create an Israeli-Lebanese understanding that would allow Lebanon to function as a stable state once again and work to overcome severe economic hardships that have pushed at least 1.5 million citizens into poverty. (…)

Smadar Perry, YED, 01.11.24

Israel’s strategy to break the Hezbollah cycle and secure peace in Lebanon

(…) Those who have participated in the ground operation are now united in their observations, which point to both unexpected realities and alarming insights that Israel cannot afford to ignore. (…) The enemy proved to be far less formidable than anticipated. In most villages, combat was minimal; any resistance that did arise was swiftly subdued. (…) UNIFIL and the Lebanese Army (…) appear to be active players in Iran’s regional strategy. They have undoubtedly observed the tunnels, anti-tank emplacements, its booby-trapped routes, long-range rocket shipments, explosive drones, and other armaments – but have chosen either silence or active cooperation. (…) The achievements of Israel’s intelligence agencies, particularly the Mossad, are beyond words. Their targeted disruptions of Hezbollah’s communication networks and elimination of key figures threw Hezbollah into disarray, transforming a once brazen organization into one incapable of executing its own plans. These efforts have been instrumental in neutralizing immediate threats, and the nation owes its gratitude to the individuals behind this critical work. (…) The lessons from this conflict point to an unavoidable truth: Israel cannot allow Hezbollah to regroup and fortify itself in Lebanon once more. (…) To prevent a repeat of past mistakes and secure our northern border for the future, Israel must (…) secure the area up to the Litani, designating it as a demilitarized buffer zone, free of civilian populations, fortified by an additional security barrier. (…) A ceasefire agreement with Lebanon should include the exile of Hezbollah’s political leadership and extradition of its long-range rocket operators to Israel. (…) A truly democratic system could undermine Hezbollah’s control, enabling Lebanon to emerge as a stable and self-reliant nation free from Iranian influence. (…) Breaking free from the grip of Iran’s proxies in Lebanon is not only feasible but essential for lasting security on our northern border. (…)

Gilad Ach, JPO, 11.11.24

HAA = Haaretz

YED = Yedioth Ahronoth / Ynetnews

JPO = Jerusalem Post

IHY = Israel HaYom

TOI = Times of Israel

GLO = Globes

Published: November 2024.

Responsible:

Dr. Ralf Melzer,

Head of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Israel

Editors:

Susanne Knaul

Judith Stelmach

Homepage: israel.fes.de

Email: fes(at)fes.org.il