Das „Schlaglicht Israel“ bietet einen Einblick in die innenpolitischen Debatten Israels. Es erscheint alle zwei Wochen und fasst Kommentare aus israelischen Tageszeitungen zusammen. So spiegelt es ausgewählte, aktuelle politische Ereignisse wider, die die israelische Öffentlichkeit bewegen.
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Die Themen dieser Ausgabe:
Nach einem palästinensischen Terroranschlag mit vier Toten und mehreren Verletzten zogen israelische Siedler_innen durch palästinensische Dörfer und richteten schwere Verwüstungen an. Autos, Wohnhäuser und eine Fabrik wurden in Brand gesteckt. Palästinensischen Informationen zufolge hätten israelische Sicherheitskräfte dem Unwesen tatenlos zugesehen. Das Attentat, das auf das Konto zweier offenbar der Hamas nahestehenden Palästinenser geht, galt entsprechend einer Stellungnahme der islamistischen Führung im Gazastreifen, der Rache für sieben Palästinenser_innen, die bei einer Razzia in der Stadt Jenin getötet worden waren, darunter ein 15jähriges Mädchen. Israels Regierungschef Benjamin Netanyahu kündigte unterdessen den geplanten Neubau von 1000 Wohnhäusern in der Siedlung Eli an, wo sich das Attentat zutrug. Zum ersten Mal ging die israelische Armee mittels einer Drohne gegen mutmaßliche palästinensische Terroristen vor. Bei dem gezielten Luftangriff kamen drei Männer zu Tode. Anfang Juli führten die israelischen Sicherheitskräfte schließlich eine zweitägige Aktion im Flüchtlingslager Jenin durch, bei der ca. 300 palästinensische Verdächtige festgenommen, Laboratorien zur Herstellung von Waffen und Sprengstoffen sowie unterirdische Schächte freigelegt und zerstört wurden. Am zweiten Tag der Aktion verübte ein palästinensischer Einzeltäter einen Anschlag in Tel Aviv, bei dem acht Menschen verletzt wurden. Beim Abzug der israelischen Streitkräfte aus Jenin wurde ein IDF-Soldat getötet.
There is no equivalence between Palestinian terrorists and their Israeli victims
As one terror attack follows the next in excruciating rapidity, it might be difficult for people to follow the thread. In the view of some, what we are seeing right now is – (…) both sides are committing acts of violence, both sides are suffering casualties, and both sides are equally responsible (…). This is the simplistic world of moral equivalence. It makes life easy: something bad happens, two sides are involved, so they both must be equally responsible. This is a world where context matters not a whit; where stories have no beginning; where judgments are made based on what scene is appearing in a movie at that single moment when one looks at the screen, disregarding what came before and not considering what could come after. The (…) this is not a “both sides are to blame” situation. Israel went into Jenin to arrest those looking for ways to kill Israelis. The forces were attacked as they were leaving, and they returned fire to the massive gunfire they encountered. (…) This is not a cycle ordained by nature. Without terror, there would be no reason for IDF operations inside Palestinian areas. Because there is terror, those actions are essential to safeguard Israeli lives. (…) Terrorism has no justification and there can be no equivalence between terrorists and their victims. Full stop.
Editorial, JPO, 21.06.23
Israel's terror wave is becoming a tsunami
(...) The desire for revenge, coupled with the boost in motivation from their successful resistance, is what led to the Palestinians’ intensified violent activities (...). One can see in this series of events, which began in Jenin, a turn for the worse both in terms of the terrorists’ motivation and their capabilities to confront and harm the IDF and the security forces, which is leading to Israel’s loss of deterrence. Such a situation may spiral out of control and turn into a third intifada which will involve large segments of the Palestinian population in all parts of the West Bank, and which could also motivate Palestinians in Gaza to act. (…) The Shin Bet will likely increase its activities to gather intelligence and target potential terror suspects. However, this isn’t enough: (…) What is needed right now isn’t a new Defensive Shield operation, but rather a series of smaller, focused operations in Jenin, Nablus, and the surrounding areas. (…) The moves will be conducted based on intelligence provided by the Shin Bet, indicating the location of weapons caches, explosives labs, and key operatives within terror groups. (…) The focus should be on the northern West Bank, primarily around the cities of Nablus and Jenin, where significant damage needs to be done to terrorist infrastructure, while also conducting arrests and other intelligence-gathering moves that will allow for impactful results. (...) This mission is complex: forces must do so in a targeted manner and according to intelligence data, so that at its end – in a few weeks or days – they will be able to leave the area and put an end to the wave of terror attacks that we’ve seen since March 2022, which continue to become deadlier.
Ron Ben-Yishai YED, 21.06.23
Israel doesn't need another operation, it needs better intelligence
(…) The attack in Eli was the most severe one since the beginning of the year in the areas around the West Bank. (…) terrorists in the region operate with increased confidence and noticeable audacity. (…) These developments require Israel to reassess its policy specifically towards Hamas in Gaza. Yahya Sinwar and Mohammed Deif fuel the terror in the West Bank while enjoying calm in Gaza and a series of unprecedented Israeli concessions. While it’s in Israel's interest to improve the economic situation in the Gaza Strip, employ more workers, and create an internal pressure mechanism to deter Hamas from initiating another round of fighting. (…) If people are counting on another Defensive Shield operation, they should forget about it. Likewise, the IDF and Shin Bet are convinced that the terrorists are located in the refugee camps in Nablus and Jenin, while three million other Palestinians aren’t interested in war but in improving their social and economic situation. (…) security officials are in agreement with Netanyahu and Gallant, who aren’t interested in an operation. In addition, there’s also American pressure to avoid a similar escalation, as the struggle against Iran’s nuclear agreement is also gaining speed. Therefore, the main effort is currently focused on trying to find an intermediate solution that’ll allow the government to cool down the volatile situation. (…) Forces will be bolstered and more arrests will take place. For that to happen, better intelligence is needed (...).
Yossi Yehoshua, YED, 22.06.23
Hamas' narrative is gaining the upper hand in Samaria
The murderous terror attack at a gas station near Eli in Judea and Samaria (...) marked another stage in the ongoing deterioration of the security situation in the area. (…) Whatever the level of cooperation in place between the gunmen and the wider Hamas organization, it is undeniable that Hamas's narrative of terror and violence is gaining the upper hand in Samaria. (…) recent events appear to suggest that specific, preemptive actions to thwart terror cells, actions that have undoubtedly saved the lives of hundreds of Israelis over the past year, are no longer enough. (...) The security situation is changing for the worse. (…) Samaria is flooded with guns, and with terrorists highly motivated to use them. (…) The security landscape is complex: Localized terror groups with names like Lions' Den and the Jenin Battalions are joined by established terror factions Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, which back them with cash, arms and political support. As local terror entities proliferate despite nightly IDF operations, Hamas and PIJ are deepening their foothold as well. The result is Jewish civilians under constant threat. (…) If Israel wishes to prevent the violence from engulfing more southern areas where the P.A. currently is still in control – Ramallah, most of Hebron and Jericho – it may need to switch course sooner rather than later, and initiate a larger security operation (...) that targets terror infrastructure in Samaria, though still broader than the current pinpoint operations. (...)
Yaakov Lappin, IHY, 22.06.23
Israel doesn't need a Defense Shield-style op. in the West Bank yet
(…) There have been more than 100 shooting attacks in the West Bank so far this year (...). Clearly, there is a terror wave that needs to be defeated. (…) What happened in Jenin (...) when a large bomb went off next to a military vehicle (…) is a grave escalation that needs to be confronted. The drone attack (…) against an Islamic Jihad cell was an appropriate response. What is happening now is an extension of the past year that saw the IDF being forced to increase its efforts to dismantle new terrorist infrastructure. (…) there is no disconnecting the political and social environment in the West Bank from the escalation in violence. There is no political horizon, the Palestinian Authority has been in decline for years and there does not look like any change in the near or even long-term future. Instead, these young Palestinians (...) see normalization with Abraham Accords countries (...) and feel that they are being left behind. A large-scale operation might buy some quiet for a period of time but it is not – in any way – a comprehensive solution. (...) Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu knows that the way you start an operation is almost never the way you finish it. There are complications, things go wrong and mistakes are made. (…) The violence in the West Bank is not going away anytime soon and the IDF will need to continue to crack down and increase its counterterror operations. But a deeper analysis of the situation is needed than what Ben-Gvir and his allies offer. That is what the government needs to focus on figuring out.
Yaakov Katz, JPO, 22.06.23
After the terror attack in Eli: Annexation of Samaria and Judea
(...) With the downfall of the Palestinian Authority, the time has come for Israel to annex Samaria and Judea. That is the only solid way to thwart the killing of innocent Jews. (...) Palestinian president Abbas rules over his presidential palace in Ramallah, not any further than that. (…) Under Abbas, the Palestinian Authority area has increasingly become under influence of groupings supported by Iran. It is crystal clear which horrific consequences it would have for Israel if Hamas comes to power there as well. (…) All the negotiations since then about a Two-State solution, in spite of major concessions by Prime Minister Barak in 2000, have led to nothing. Why? Because the leading grouping of the Palestinians, the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), founded before 1967, has always made it clear that they want the whole of Israeli territory, until the Mediterranean Sea. The PLO’s emblem resembles this with their map of ‘Palestine’. (...) if Israel would agree with a Palestinian state in Samaria and Judea, would that mean that the Palestinians stop their terrorist attacks? No way! Those who think that the Palestinians in their ‘West Bank’ state would turn into peace-loving neighbors are an Alice in Wonderland. Such a Palestinian state would be a third entity at our borders, aiming to kill all the Jews. (…) Annexation of Samaria and Judea is the only long-lasting solution to counter terrorism. (…) Terrorism will never cease totally, but annexation provides more security guarantees than other policy options. Muddling through with the current Israeli policy of convicting terrorists and preventing terror attacks, does not effectively boost Israel’s security against terrorism. (...)
Mordechai de Haas, TOI, 22.06.23
Obschon Regierungschef Benjamin Netanyahu in einem Interview mit dem Wall Street Journal deutliche Kompromissbereitschaft hinsichtlich der umstrittenen Rechtsreformen signalisiert hat, dauert der Protest gegen die Politik der ultrarechten Koalition unvermindert an. Die sogenannte Aufhebungsklausel, die es der Knesset ermöglicht hätte, Urteile des Obersten Gerichtshofs mit einfacher Mehrheit aufzuheben, sei vom Tisch, hatte Netanyahu erklärt, relativierte diese Haltung anschließend allerdings in Gesprächen mit Vertreter_innen der Koalitionsparteien. Israels Oberstes Gericht ist eine wichtige Kontrollinstanz. Die Aufhebungsklausel gilt als zentraler Punkt der sogenannten Justizreform. Umstritten bleibt aber weiterhin eine ganze Reihe weiterer bereits verabschiedeter und noch ausstehender Gesetzreformen. Hinsichtlich der Zusammensetzung des Gremiums für die Wahl der Richter_innen kassierte die Regierungskoalition eine Schlappe. Bei der Knesset-Abstimmung wurde eine Abgeordnete der Opposition auch mit vier Stimmen der Regierungskoalition in das Gremium gewählt. Eine Vertreterin der Regierung fiel hingegen bei der Abstimmung durch. Die Oppositionspolitiker Yair Lapid und Benny Gantz wollen Verhandlungen mit der Regierung erst wieder aufnehmen, wenn die Konstellation des Gremiums endgültig feststeht.
Lapid and Gantz, restart Israeli judicial reform talks
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu did the right thing (…) when (…) he paused the judicial reform legislation and entered into negotiations with opposition parties in search of a compromise. (…) By pausing the legislative process, Netanyahu signaled a realization that winning the judicial reform battle, but losing solidarity and cohesion within the nation along the way, was a price too high and one not worth paying. (…) opposition leader Yair Lapid and National Unity party head Benny Gantz announced that they were freezing the talks. (…) The majority of the country does not want to see a return to the days of IAF reserve pilots threatening not to show up for reserve duty; “Days of Disruption” blocking roads; calls for a general strike; concern about hi-tech money streaming out of the country; external enemies seeking to take advantage of what they misperceive as the country’s collapse from within; talk of civil war. The majority of the country wants the sides to reach a compromise on judicial reform so Israel can move on and so the government can focus on such minor matters as the looming Iranian threat, spiraling violence in the Arab sector, and the high cost of living. Freezing the talks now moves the country further away from that goal, not closer to it. Lapid and Gantz should reconsider (…) and let the judicial reform talks recommence at once. That would be acting for the good of the country.
Editorial, JPO, 16.06.23
Judicial reform: A promising first vote puts the economy back on track
(…) The judicial reform, first proposed in January of 2023, calls for a change in the composition of Israel’s judicial selection committee. Although there is no current law defining the exact composition of such a committee, it has held a mutually agreed status quo – until now. Out of the nine committee members, the reform proposes increasing the number of MKs from three to five. The Knesset’s vote (…) however, not only did not enforce the change of committee composition but even elected a member of the opposition as a committee member. A promising step towards getting Israel’s economy back on track? (…) From the very beginning, experts have warned Netanyahu that the judicial reform would come at a high cost to the economy – which is now beginning to manifest in the form of an economic recession. (…) The trust of Israel’s investors is based not only on economic interests but also on sharing similar values. The US and EU are two of Israel’s biggest trading partners and both have repeatedly expressed their discontent about the proposed judicial reform. It disrupts the checks and balances of the Israeli system of government, one of the fundamental pillars of a strong democracy. Investors have been observing Israel’s situation closely and our economy is starting to feel their distrust. (…) At this point, all we can wish for is that politicians will be reminded of a broader perspective because when this nation elects a government, regardless of Left or Right, it also votes for a strong economy. (…)
Sharon Berhovski, JPO, 19.06.23
Israel's Pro-democracy Protests Are Gaining Small Victories, but Bigger Battles Still Lie Ahead
(…) Among Israel’s lawyers, 78,000 are active, fee-paying members of the Israel Bar Association, and just over half of them voted (…) in the election for the bar’s president, national and regional councils. (…) Amit Becher, the candidate who presented himself as a staunch opponent of the government’s judicial overhaul plans, won by a landslide with 73 percent of the vote. (…) candidates affiliated with Becher will control the bar association’s national council, which appoints two representatives to the nine-member Judicial Appointments Committee. All in all, a good day for the pro-democracy protest movement. (…) Together with Karine Elharrar, the Yesh Atid lawmaker who was elected (…) as one of the Knesset’s two representatives, and the three Supreme Court justices who are members, two-thirds of the appointments committee can now be relied on to oppose Justice Minister Yariv Levin’s plans to appoint ultra-conservative judges and eliminate the “seniority” principle that dictates who presides over the top court. Still, it’s important not to get swept away with euphoria. Yes, this is a victory. (…) But the struggle for the future of Israeli democracy is still ongoing and remains far from any conclusion. (…) Levin will renew his pressure, along with other influential elements within Likud and the other coalition parties, on Netanyahu to once again try to pass his proposed law that would have automatically given the coalition control of the committee. In the meantime, since as justice minister he chairs the committee, he can refuse to convene it. (…) there are over 80 posts that urgently need filling in the lower courts? Thousands of citizens awaiting rulings will have to wait. (…)
Anshel Pfeffer, HAA, 21.06.23
Occupation is what drives Israel’s anti-democratic forces
(…) there is great disharmony between the mainstream demonstrators who take part in the weekly demonstrations in front of the President’s Residence in Jerusalem, and the anti-occupation activists also in attendance. (…) “fighting for democracy” should not and cannot ignore the current state of an eternal military occupation. (…) the principle of separation of powers is not rocket science. (…) 56 years of a military occupation is not only a political phenomenon, but also a social one. (…) The Israeli education system (…) is raising generations of young Israelis to accept the idea of denying Palestinians political rights as legitimate (…). Israeli officials are designing and implementing policies in East Jerusalem and the West Bank that withhold from Palestinians the very freedoms that Israelis acclaim; and political organizations with the explicit mission to solidify this reality enjoy steady state support, whether through state funding or other means. (…) the politicians come from the heart of the pro-settlement camp, many of them West Bank settlers themselves. (…) Since these are the roots, we cannot mend the problem without attending to the source. Therefore, a victory for the current demonstrations that does not take on the occupation will only be a temporary one as it will leave the social conditions and political bodies that fuel Israel’s undemocratic forces intact. (…) Once the protests take on the occupation, they will truly deserve the title of pro-democracy demonstrations.
Naomi Sussmann, TOI, 21.06.23
Judicial overhaul – a unified pathway to the future
(…) The goal of deepening the dialogue within the nation must start with, and take into account the actual lived history of the Jewish people. (…) For all of history, Jewish leaders lead based on customs, with a general sense of consensus among members of the community. Today a majority of Jewish organizations and leaders are attempting to compel others in the community to accept the supreme right of the individual in matters of governance, social behavior, and morality. These efforts to rewrite Jewish history, constitutes the “great existential threat” to Jewish peoplehood. Finding common ground (…) firstly will require those in the liberal democracy camp to come out of their echo chamber. They must stop demonizing those that want to maintain a way of life based on 3,700 of lived Jewish history. (…) Jewish organizations and leaders advocating for a foreign based form of liberal democracy in Israel should recognize, that it must be measurably different from practices in other western countries. The measurable differences must be reflected in Judicial outcomes. With this understood, a new equilibrium incorporating both Jewish lived history, and liberal democracy can be reconciled. Ignoring 3,700 years of Jewish history, customs, and traditions is unacceptable.
Barry Setnor, TOI, 21.06.23
Thank God Israel’s Protest Movement Doesn't Mention the Occupation
(…) let’s take the advice of the hardline left bloc at the anti-coup demonstrations, the ones chanting “A nation that occupies another nation will never be free,” and make ending the occupation the primary, or at least a front-line, goal of the mass protests. What will happen? For one, opposition leaders Benny Gantz and Yair Lapid and their supporters won’t be there anymore. (…) Neither will the retired leaders of the army, Mossad, Shin Bet and Israel Police, nor most of the reserve soldiers who have taken such an outsized role in the protest movement. The whole center and moderate right wing of Israel will check out of the movement, and all that will be left is the Jewish left and some Arab citizens. (…) For years there have been no significant anti-occupation protests because hardly anyone still believes they’ll make a difference. (…) I agree (…) The occupation is the worst crime Israel is committing or ever has committed. (…) But the fight against the judicial coup is a political one, and politics is the “art of the possible,” and ending the occupation – as we have seen with growing clarity since 2006, as the settlers and their allies have steadily taken over the country while the “peace camp” has dried up and blown away – is just not possible anymore, except theoretically. (…) the protesters are en route to winning, the government is en route to losing and the judicial coup is en route to the dustbin of history. But – the occupation is still here, and getting stronger all the time. (…) Imagine how much worse things would get for the Palestinians if the protests had failed, the judicial coup had succeeded and the Supreme Court had been castrated as planned. That’s what would have happened if the uncompromising left had had its way and the protest had turned into an anti-occupation movement (…). The consequences would have been not only allowing the destruction of what remains of Israeli democracy, i.e. the democracy that the 9 million Israeli citizens living within the Green Line enjoy, but also allowing the occupation to rapidly get a whole lot worse. (…) But when the choice is so obviously between keeping the half-a-loaf that you’ve got and throwing it away for nothing, I’ll hang on to that half and thank God the protest movement, in its wisdom, chose just such a strategy.
Larry Derfner, HAA, 22.06.23
In Israel macht sich zunehmend die Sorge breit, dass sich Washington und Teheran einer Einigung hinsichtlich des iranischen Atomforschungsprogramms näherkommen. Offizielle Verlautbarungen in dieser Hinsicht gab es nicht. Ein mögliches Abkommen würde den Stopp des iranischen Atomforschungsprogramms im Gegenzug für Erleichterungen der Sanktionen gegen Teheran beinhalten. Das wiederum würde finanzielle Ressourcen schaffen, mit denen die iranischen Handlanger, allen voran die schiitische Terrororganisation Hizbollah im Libanon, unterstützt werden könnten. Auf Zypern wollen Sicherheitsbehörden Anschläge auf israelische Staatsbürger_innen vereitelt haben. Zu den Zielen gehörten demnach ein israelischer Geschäftsmann sowie Hotels und andere Orte auf der Mittelmeerinsel, die von israelischen Tourist_innen aufgesucht werden. Hinter dem Plan sollen die iranischen Revolutionsgarden stehen. Eine Entführung durch Israels Auslandsgeheimdienst Mossad im Iran habe, den Informationen zufolge, den Plan durchkreuzt.
Is Israel getting closer to attacking Iran?
Israel’s potential attack on Iran draws nearer (…). Recent developments indicate that Iran and the US have been engaging in diplomatic talks, both directly and indirectly, exploring the possibility of an unofficial interim “less for less” agreement. (…) The proposed temporary agreement would involve freezing Iran’s nuclear program while partially easing economic sanctions, including releasing Iranian funds held by various countries. The agreement would overlook Iran’s nuclear violations and allow it to maintain a highly enriched program with enough uranium for multiple nuclear bombs. It could also provide Iran with significant funds to enhance its military capabilities and support its aggressive and destabilizing behavior in the Middle East and beyond. (…) such an agreement poses dangers and legitimizes Iran’s regime (…). Although Iran has not reached the military-grade enrichment level, its advancements bring it closer to becoming a nuclear threshold state. (…) In light of this reality, Israel must be prepared for the possibility of acting alone in addressing the Iranian nuclear threat. (…)
Omer Dostri, JPO, 16.06.23
Israel must oppose the Iran understandings with all it's got
According to all indications, the negotiations between the United States and Iran on a nuclear deal known as "freeze for freeze" – which is actually "quiet for money" – are on the verge of finalizing what the sides call "understandings" (…). The idea is to freeze Iran's progress when it comes to highly enriched uranium in exchange for partial sanction relief (…), the release of some frozen funds, and the freeing of prisoners. Presenting this as understandings and not as an agreement will likely allow the administration to avoid going to Congress, where it is likely to face fierce opposition. Israel must highlight (…) the dangers of the provisions being formulated and express firm opposition even at the cost of harming the prospect of a possible deal with Saudi Arabia (…). The understandings allow Iran to continue enriching its uranium to 60% purity without increasing the accumulated amount. The meaning is a de facto approval for Iran's enrichment to that level. (…) The agreement will once again come with a heavy price for Israel, so Israel must act against it loudly and in one voice. (…) Israel must continue to improve its military capabilities while at the same time send a clear message against the understandings being formulated. (…)
Jacob Nagel, IHY, 16.06.23
Biden's appeasement of Iran is a disaster in the making
(…) The White House knows that no diplomatic understanding with Tehran is worth the paper it’s printed on and no such undertakings will stop Iran from becoming a nuclear-armed state. So why are they heading down this path? There are two reasons. The first is to give Biden a win on the international stage that he so badly needs after the debacles over withdrawal from Afghanistan, the Russian invasion of Ukraine and China supplanting the U.S. as power broker in the Middle East. The second is to pile pressure on Israel and this again has two parts. Part one is to deter Jerusalem from executing a major military strike (…). Part two is the pursuit of the elusive two-state solution which remains a fixation in the minds of policy-makers in Washington (…). If Biden’s non-deal materializes it will represent another catastrophic foreign policy failure that will have repercussions well beyond the Middle East. (…) What we’re talking about here is pure appeasement and empowerment of a regime that is implacably and actively opposed to the U.S. and everything it stands for. (…)
Richard Kemp, YED, 17.06.23
No deal, however limited, can enable Iran to reach the nuclear threshold
(…) Several recent developments should raise significant red flags. (…) US intelligence services believe that from the moment Iran begins the process of building a nuclear bomb, it would take about 12 days to enrich uranium to a high, military, level of 90 percent. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) recently dropped its investigation into what Israeli intelligence said is an undeclared nuclear site at Marivan. Finally, Iran’s official news agency IRNA announced on June 6 that it had successfully produced a hypersonic missile with a range of up to 1,400 km. (…) Europe, within range of Iranian ballistic missiles, cannot be complacent about the threats and the US needs to understand the dangers of boosting Iran diplomatically and financially. (…) Israel might be the primary target, but nowhere would be safe if Iran reaches the nuclear threshold.
Editorial, JPO, 19.06.23
Biden is forcing Israel to attack Iran alone
(…) Biden's new "arrangement" (…) would give Iran a legal path to a nuclear weapon and a ballistic missile system to deliver it. At the same time, it would hand the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism billions of dollars in sanctions relief to fund its military and global terrorist network. (…) the US has decided to acquiesce to Iran's nuclear ambitions rather than sanction its nuclear program out of existence. (…) This means that the US has left Israel with no choice but to attack Iran's nuclear facilities alone. (…) the attack will almost certainly trigger a regional war (…) that will see tens of thousands of rockets launched by Iran's terrorist proxies Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza at the heart of Israeli cities. Those attacks, paid for by the billions of dollars Iran will receive in sanctions relief, will result in thousands of Israeli deaths. It will be a national and humanitarian disaster. The alternative, however, is worse. A nuclear Iran threatens the lives of nine million Israelis. If the Jews have learned anything from history, it is to believe what your enemies say. Iran continually says it will wipe Israel off the map.
(…) The Jewish state exists to ensure that Jews are responsible for and can control their own destiny. It is about power. (…) anyone who thinks Israel will put its destiny in the hands of people who share Barack Obama's worldview is delusional. Israel will be the master of its own destiny. (…)
Eric Levine, IHY, 28.06.23
World shrugs despite Mossad's impressive action on Iran
The recent thwarting of the Iranian attack in Cyprus has several takeaways, some of which should fill us with joy; others should have us very much concerned. First, it has been proved once again that the Mossad has exceptional intelligence reach when it comes to Iran, from the operational apparatuses and characters running the show to the smuggling routes and modus operandi and the ability to conduct real-time surveillance. (…) The second takeaway (…) is that Iran has repeatedly failed at carrying out deadly attacks against Israelis abroad since the 2012 bombing in Bulgaria. Dozens of such plots have been foiled, often in the nick of time or using hair-raising counterterrorism operations, as was demonstrated in Istanbul last summer. The third takeaway is that the Mossad has close collaborative endeavors with other intelligence agencies around the world, especially in the region. This helped in frustrating the terrorist plots in Istanbul and Georgia earlier this year and was helpful in the Cyprus operation as well. Such cooperation is a strategic asset of paramount importance that must be nurtured (…). The fourth takeaway is that the Mossad has impressive capabilities on Iranian soil. (…) The fifth takeaway is that Iran is hell-bent on killing Israelis. (…) Iran will continue to try to hurt Israelis and that difference between success and failure ultimately boils down to just how good the Mossad is.
Yoav Limor, IHY, 30.06.23
Netanyahu's Judges Do Not Want to Write a Verdict
(…) It seems that from the moment they received the case, the members of this panel were doing everything possible so that they won’t have to write a verdict. (…) The last move by the judges indicates an almost frightening lack of understanding of the reality they live in. The judges decided to convene the consultation in their chamber in the middle of a day of hearings, in full view of all the journalists in the room. (…) The judges repeatedly push for a plea deal, on the basis of some bizarre assumption that one is possible, and that the attorney's office is the barrier to achieving it. Both assumptions are false. Sadly, their pressure has led more than a few to support their suggestion. The judges should have realized that there is only one deal available: One under in which Netanyahu will avoid going to prison, but will be convicted and removed from the political scene for seven years. The prosecution can never accept a deal under which Netanyahu will continue to serve as prime minister, as if nothing happened. Netanyahu was willing to accept this banishment when he was in the opposition and his chances of returning to power seemed slim. Now there is no chance of him resigning. The alternative is much better for him. The legal process is dragging on slowly, thanks to the judges. He’ll have a million more chances to take this deal, if he wants it. Why now? Why not see his term out? (…) It’s too bad for us that in such an important trial, they are doing all they can to have it end without a verdict.
Raviv Drucker, HAA, 26.06.23
HAA = Haaretz
YED = Yedioth Ahronoth / Ynetnews
JPO = Jerusalem Post
IHY = Israel HaYom
TOI = Times of Israel
GLO = Globes
Veröffentlicht im: Juli 2023
Verantwortlich:
Dr. Paul Pasch,
Leiter der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Israel
Redaktion:
Susanne Knaul
Judith Stelmach
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Email: fes(at)fes.org.il
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Aufbewahrungsdauer
Die Aufbewahrungsdauer ist die Zeitspanne, in der die gesammelten Daten für die Verarbeitung gespeichert werden. Die Daten müssen gelöscht werden, sobald sie für die angegebenen Verarbeitungszwecke nicht mehr benötigt werden.
Die Daten werden gelöscht, sobald sie nicht mehr für die Verarbeitungszwecke benötigt werden.
Diese Technologien ermöglichen es uns, die Nutzung der Website zu analysieren, um die Leistung zu messen und zu verbessern.
Dies ist ein Video-Player-Dienst.
Verarbeitendes Unternehmen
Google Ireland Limited
Google Building Gordon House, 4 Barrow St, Dublin, D04 E5W5, Ireland
Ort der Verarbeitung
Europäische Union
Daten werden gelöscht, sobald sie für die Verarbeitungszwecke nicht mehr benötigt werden.
Datenempfänger
Datenschutzbeauftragter des verarbeitenden Unternehmens
Nachfolgend finden Sie die E-Mail-Adresse des Datenschutzbeauftragten des verarbeitenden Unternehmens.
https://support.google.com/policies/contact/general_privacy_form
Weitergabe an Drittländer
Dieser Service kann die erfassten Daten an ein anderes Land weiterleiten. Bitte beachten Sie, dass dieser Service Daten in ein Land, welches kein angemessenes Datenschutzniveau bietet, übertragen kann. Falls die Daten in die USA übertragen werden, besteht das Risiko, dass Ihre Daten von US Behörden zu Kontroll- und Überwachungszwecken verarbeitet werden können, ohne dass Ihnen möglicherweise Rechtsbehelfsmöglichkeiten zustehen. Nachfolgend finden Sie eine Liste der Länder, in die die Daten übertragen werden. Weitere Informationen zu den Sicherheitsgarantien finden Sie in den Datenschutzrichtlinien des Website-Anbieters oder wenden Sie sich direkt an den Website-Anbieter.
Weltweit
Klicken Sie hier, um die Datenschutzbestimmungen des Datenverarbeiters zu lesen. https://policies.google.com/privacy?hl=en
Klicken Sie hier, um auf allen Domains des verarbeitenden Unternehmens zu widerrufen. https://safety.google/privacy/privacy-controls/
Klicken Sie hier, um die Cookie-Richtlinie des Datenverarbeiters zu lesen. https://policies.google.com/technologies/cookies?hl=en
Speicherinformation
Unten sehen Sie die längste potenzielle Speicherdauer auf einem Gerät, die bei Verwendung der Cookie-Speichermethode und bei Verwendung anderer Methoden festgelegt wurde.
Dieser Dienst verwendet verschiedene Mittel zur Speicherung von Informationen auf dem Gerät eines Nutzers, wie unten aufgeführt.
Dieses cookie speichert Ihre Präferenzen und andere Informationen, insbesondere bevorzugte Sprache, wie viele Suchergebnisse auf Ihrer Seite angezeigt werden sollen und ob Sie den SafeSearch-Filter von Google aktivieren möchten oder nicht.
Dieses cookie misst Ihre Bandbreite, um festzustellen, ob Sie die neue Player-Oberfläche oder die alte erhalten.
Dieses cookie erhöht den „Views“-Zähler des YouTube-Videos.
Dies wird auf Seiten mit eingebettetem YouTube-Video gesetzt.
Dies ist ein Dienst zum Anzeigen von Videoinhalten.
Vimeo LLC
555 West 18th Street, New York, New York 10011, United States of America
Vereinigte Staaten von Amerika
Privacy(at)vimeo.com
Klicken Sie hier, um die Datenschutzbestimmungen des Datenverarbeiters zu lesen. https://vimeo.com/privacy
Klicken Sie hier, um auf allen Domains des verarbeitenden Unternehmens zu widerrufen. https://vimeo.com/cookie_policy
Klicken Sie hier, um die Cookie-Richtlinie des Datenverarbeiters zu lesen. https://vimeo.com/cookie_policy
Dieses cookie wird in Verbindung mit einem Videoplayer verwendet. Wenn der Besucher beim Ansehen von Videoinhalten unterbrochen wird, merkt sich das cookie , wo das Video gestartet werden soll, wenn der Besucher das Video neu lädt.
Ein Indikator dafür, ob sich der Besucher jemals angemeldet hat.
Registriert eine eindeutige ID, die von Vimeo verwendet wird.
Speichert die Einstellungen des Benutzers beim Abspielen eingebetteter Videos von Vimeo.
Wird nach dem ersten Upload eines Benutzers festgelegt.
Dies ist ein integrierter Kartendienst.
Gordon House, 4 Barrow St, Dublin 4, Ireland
https://support.google.com/policies/troubleshooter/7575787?hl=en
Vereinigte Staaten von Amerika, Singapur, Taiwan, Chile
Klicken Sie hier, um die Datenschutzbestimmungen des Datenverarbeiters zu lesen. http://www.google.com/intl/de/policies/privacy/